Texas capital murder case attempts to severely punish abortion pill use by treating a fetus as a person

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A North Texas man charged with capital murder this month after he allegedly slipped his girlfriend abortion-inducing medication and caused a miscarriage marks the first time a murder charge has been brought in an abortion-related case in Texas.

The case tests a new method for reining in abortion pills — by threatening to prosecute individuals who provide them with the most severe criminal charge — while advancing the longstanding legal provision that defines an embryo as a person, legal experts say. The latter could raise serious implications about the legality of fertility treatments and in other legal realms such as criminal and immigration issues.

“It is shocking to people that the law can be used this way… that this is the extent and result of the more than 20 year old fetal personhood laws,” said Blake Rocap, a Texas attorney who works in abortion rights advocacy and studies pregnancy criminalization. Legal experts say the case will not change Texas laws that prevent women who receive abortions from being prosecuted.

According to an affidavit filed in Tarrant County by the Texas Rangers, 39-year-old Justin Anthony Banta put mifepristone, an abortion-inducing medication, into cookies and a beverage that he then gave to his pregnant girlfriend. Banta had previously asked her to get an abortion, but she said she had wanted to keep the child, according to the affidavit. A day after drinking the beverage, the woman miscarried.

The Texas Rangers did not respond to multiple requests for comment. The Tarrant County District Attorney’s Office, which must decide whether and how to prosecute the case, has not yet brought its own charges, according to a spokesperson.

Before Roe v. Wade was overturned, a fetus was not considered a person constitutionally. However, when Roe v. Wade was overturned, the whole opinion was overruled, including the idea that a fetus does not have the same rights as a person. That did not immediately mean that fetus personhood is established. But, Joanna Grossman, a professor at Southern Methodist University Dedman School of Law, and other experts see Banta’s case as an attempt to move further in that direction.

“The purpose of this has nothing to do with caring whether this woman was victimized, but it's about trying to establish fetal personhood in a more direct way than they've been able to,” said Grossman.

If Banta is convicted and fetal personhood is established in the case, it could complicate a variety of issues, including whether IVF is still legal because it involves destroying unused frozen embryos. Last year, the Alabama Supreme Court ruled that frozen embryos are considered children.

“It has implications for all kinds of fertility medicine and it has potential implications for criminal and immigration law,” Grossman said. “If you detain a pregnant woman, are you illegally detaining the fetus who did not commit a crime? If you deport a pregnant woman, are you deporting a U.S. citizen because if we have birthright citizenship, when does that begin?”

John Seago, the president of Texas Right to Life, says the concerns surrounding the Banta case are misdirected. Texas laws have already established fetal personhood, he said.

What’s important about Banta’s case to him is that it highlights the true danger of abortion pills.

“This case and similar cases really show the absolute danger of the Plan C pills website and the current strategy that Aid Access has to traffic abortion pills into pro-life states without any medical oversight and without any regulation,” Seago said, referring to the online websites that mail abortion pills to every state. He believes a case like Banta’s is just “scratching the surface of how evil this new practice is.”

Separating the fetus from the woman – in legal terms

Certain states already have laws where hurting a pregnant woman can carry more serious consequences. Those cases center around charges for harming the pregnant woman, and do not solely focus on the fetus.

In 2024, Mason Herring, a 39-year-old Houston man, pleaded guilty to injury to a child and assault of a pregnant person for giving his then wife misoprostol, another commonly used abortion medication.

Unlike Herring, Banta hasn’t been charged with hurting his pregnant girlfriend. “The victim here is the woman who was assaulted by being given a drug without her knowledge,” Grossman said.

By charging Banta with attempted capital murder of the fetus, prosecutors are trying to “separate the pregnant person from the fetus,” Grossman said, which not only reinforces the idea that the fetus may matter more than the pregnant person, but also attempts to more clearly define a fetus as a person.

The case creates “more and more precedent for treating a fetus or an unborn baby like a person with the rights everybody else has,” said Mary Ziegler, a UC Davis Law professor.

Seago, however, believes that prosecutors are approaching the case this way because it’s easier to prove that Banta committed a capital murder than it is to prove that he harmed the pregnant woman. If the woman were to bring a civil suit against Banta for injuries, Texas Right to Life would support that action, he said.

Using capital murder to deter abortion pill use

Since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, pregnant women and their health care providers have faced new forms of criminalization across the country. Texas created a “illegal performance of an abortion” crime and charged a Houston midwife with it in March.

Over the last year, state leaders have focused on trying to block the flow of abortion-inducing medication into Texas. The demand for the medication spiked 1000% after the state outlawed abortion.

The Texas Legislature tried and failed to pass a bill that would have imposed civil penalties on those who distribute abortion inducing medication. Additionally, Attorney General Ken Paxton sued a New York doctor for shipping abortion-inducing medication into Texas. That lawsuit will likely test New York state’s “shield law,” which protects providers from out-of-state prosecutions.

However, the Banta case represents a new strategy from a statewide law enforcement authority in chilling the use and provision of abortion-inducing medication in Texas.

Since Roe v. Wade was overturned, a person in Texas who helps a woman obtain an abortion has been liable not only for specific abortion charges, but now more serious charges like capital murder for their role in ending a pregnancy.

“The door has been open, [prosecutors] just walked through it,” said Rocap.

The potential consequences of the Banta case

Even if this case is successfully prosecuted, it may not lead to the establishment of fetal personhood statewide or nationwide. It is likely for this case to end in a jury verdict which is not the equivalent of a Supreme Court decision setting a legally binding precedent.

If a jury finds Banta guilty, Grossman said he could also appeal the decision by claiming that he cannot be convicted of capital murder of a fetus. The appellate court decision, then, could potentially be binding in a way that a jury verdict is not.

However, Grossman believes the significance of Banta’s case does not necessarily lie in whether it’s successfully prosecuted. The way in which prosecutors have charged him for this crime is significant on its own.

She sees Banta’s case as a “trial balloon” for the anti-abortion movement. Banta is a naturally unsympathetic character, Grossman explained, so public sympathies will likely side with the anti-abortion side.

Since the charges were brought against Banta, local outlets across Texas and the nation have reported on the severity of the charges. Grossman believes that this has a “chilling effect” and is “sending a message” of fear to the general public regarding abortions. In that case, she is concerned that the damage has been done.

But if this case is successful for prosecutors, women don’t necessarily need to fear the possibility of being criminalized for ending their own pregnancies. There is still an explicit exemption for pregnant people when seeking abortions, and depending on how this case plays out, it’s not necessarily likely that this exemption would be eroded.

“Right now, there is no way any woman could be prosecuted by any Texas law, any pro life policy that is being considered,” Seago said. If any prosecutor were to try to prosecute a woman for an abortion, that “would clearly be in violation of the law.”

Disclosure: Southern Methodist University has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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